Even though queerphobia is still widespread in many Asian societies today, it is undeniable that LGBTQIA+ communities have long been a part of these cultures. As an Indonesian who moved to the States, I find it crucial to explore LGBTQIA+ history in Southeast Asia because so much of our cultural heritage around gender and sexuality is often ignored or erased. Growing up, I noticed that LGBTQIA+ topics were usually met with silence or misunderstanding, which sparked my curiosity about our past. Understanding the wide variety of gender expressions and relationships that have occurred throughout our history is important for creating a more inclusive future, even though they are rarely acknowledged.
I wanted to look at the gender diversity across several Southeast Asian countries—proof that LGBTQIA+ identities are nothing new. They have always existed and will continue to do so. Queer identities have gained significant attention over the past decade, sparking conversations about the freedom to express gender in ways that feel authentic—whether masculine, feminine, or non-binary. While the flexibility of these identities might suggest that queerness is a recent or ethnocentric idea, it is clear that LGBTQIA+ expressions have deep roots in Southeast Asian culture.
PHILIPPINES: BAKLA
In pre-colonial Philippines, the bakla identity was marked by AMAB (assigned male at birth) individuals expressing femininity, often adopting traditionally female roles in their communities and being recognized as women. This identity was deeply respected, especially as baklas were believed to have special connections with the anito—spirits of ancestors and nature—allowing them to serve as babaylans. Babaylans, primarily a female role, were highly esteemed healers, oral historians, sorcerers, and mediums who bridged the physical and spiritual worlds.
Importantly, the bakla identity was not defined by sexuality. Although often associated with homosexual men, bakla included individuals of various orientations, including heterosexual and bisexual men.
Although Bakla is largely a gender presentation, it can also overlap with sexual orientation, and many Bakla members are also LGBTQIA+. In the past, Bakla were frequently seen as community leaders and were said to embody both masculine and feminine traits.
However, with increased globalization, Western views on sexuality have led to a misconception that bakla is synonymous with the gay identity, now broadly used to label homosexual men regardless of gender expression.
MALAYSIA: SIDA-SIDA
Generally AMAB (assigned male at birth), sida-sidas were androgynous priests who embraced the dress, behaviors, and lifestyles typically associated with women and likely engaged in relationships with people of the same or both sexes. Historical records from the 15th century indicate that sida-sidas held the important role of guarding the physical and spiritual boundaries between humans and the divine within the palaces of Negeri Sembilan, Kelantan, Johor, and other regions across the Malay Peninsula and Indonesia.
Indonesia
In East Java, the traditional Reog dance showcases the bond between two male figures: the Warok, a “warrior-like” man traditionally required to abstain from sexual relations with women, and the Gemblak, a younger boy who stays with the warok during this period of abstinence. While central to the dance, the relationship between the warok and gemblak frequently goes beyond performance, evolving into a mentor-mentee dynamic and, at times, a romantic bond. The gemblak joins the warok’s dance group and is entrusted with the warok’s guidance for a number of years. This unique relationship, however, is specific to Ponogoro in Indonesia and is becoming rarer. Growing conservative attitudes in the country have gradually shifted the tradition, often resulting in women taking on the role of the gemblak.
The Torajan people of South Sulawesi recognize a third gender, known as “to burake,” which includes biological men dressed as women (to burake tattiu’) and vice versa (to burake tambolang). Anthropologist Hetty Nooy-Palm notes that Torajan culture values religious leaders, particularly women and men dressed as women (to burake tambolang), who hold roles in rice cultivation ceremonies. Fields blessed by to burake are believed to yield optimal results. In South Sulawesi, the predominantly Muslim Bugis community maintains pre-Islamic spiritual and ritual traditions, including acknowledging calalai (biological females living as men) and calabai (biological males living as women), alongside the traditional male (oroané) and female (makkunrai) identities.
Bissu are androgynous priests who embody a blend of male, female, mortal, and divine qualities, serving as spiritual mediators between humans and deities. They perform vital ceremonies, such as healing, wedding officiation, and ritual blessings. Their gender transcendence is seen as essential to their spiritual power, as only beings beyond male or female can be “possessed by dewata” (Mariani, cited in Davies, 2004). Colonization and the spread of Christianity and Islam led to the decline of the Bissu tradition, now left with only about five active members, as its practices conflicted with beliefs. Both the Bissu and To burake held respected roles in Torajan and Bugis societies, contrasting with modern views on LGBTQIA+ identities in Indonesia. Recognizing Indonesia’s historical gender diversity reveals that non-binary identities were intrinsic to its culture long before Western influence.
Indonesia’s transgender community, known as waria, originates from the Javanese lengger lanang tradition. Waria identities blend local and global concepts of gender to gain social acceptance, though they remain under-studied. Before Islam and Dutch colonialism, non-heteronormative gender roles held significant ritual value in Indonesia, from the Kodi in East Sunda to the Javanese wayang tradition. This acceptance shifted with 17th-century Islamic modernism and Dutch Christian influences, which imposed strict gender binaries and suppressed these roles. Today, waria face discrimination, exclusion, and violence—89% report abuse, according to Arus Pelangi, an LGBT rights group.
THAILAND
Unlike many other countries, Thailand has a long history of recognizing fluid gender identities. The term kathoey emerged as a third-gender identity, originally referring to men who identified more closely with femininity. Over time, it evolved to describe feminine male individuals typically attracted to men and is now a common gender category on many government surveys in Thailand. However, within Buddhist beliefs, being born a kathoey is sometimes viewed as a karmic consequence, thought to result from not fulfilling gender or social roles in past lives.
For women, gender terms like tom and dee are specific, with tom-dee representing female homosexuality and often replacing the less commonly used term “lesbian.” Thailand’s predominantly Buddhist culture has likely contributed to a broader acceptance of gender ambiguity, with Buddhism recognizing four genders. These include bhatobyanjuanaka, a term with a complex and somewhat negative connotation, used for people seen as genderless and are sexually incapacitated to reproduce, and pandaka, which describes individuals who are intersex or experience gender dysphoria in contemporary contexts.
VIETNAM
In Vietnam, where LGBTQIA+ identities still face unequal recognition, the country has a complex history with gender expression. Before French colonization, individuals were sometimes selected to act as mediums channeling the mother goddess, performing rituals that involved embodying both male and female deities. Historian Tran Huy Lieu’s prison memoir, later published by Nguyen Duc Chinh, reveals an intimate relationship with a cross-dressing actor during French rule, highlighting the acceptance of homoeroticism, homosexuality, and transgender expression in Vietnamese society. Additionally, records show that, under colonial rule, men dominated poetry and theater, where they were often encouraged to play female roles, leading to cross-gender expressions such as dressing as women, taking on female-associated roles, and engaging in same-sex relationships.
Although not stated directly, records imply that transgender expression and cross-gender behaviors were accepted as the norm in a variety of Vietnamese social contexts, from same-sex prisons to theatrical productions. The Vietnamese were not forced to adopt the ideas of “male” and “female” until French colonization. Despite preservation attempts, Western colonization continued to successfully disrupt the normalcy that was established around the flexibility of gender presentation. A change in the core customs that formed the basis of many Southeast Asian civilizations was brought about by the arrival of conservative faiths and ideologies. These civilizations gradually underwent a dramatic change from their historically inclusive views on gender fluidity.
CONCLUSION
Stuck in Jakarta’s traffic, I saw warias knocking on car windows for money, easy to overlook from the comfort of my car. Raised in a conservative Christian family, I adopted similar views growing up. While most Indonesians disapprove of the queer community, this does not justify violence against them. In contrast, Iran, despite its conservative Islamic stance, allows and subsidizes gender reassignment surgery due to a 1986 fatwa by Ayatollah Khomeini, influenced by Maryam Hatoon Molkara’s appeals – declaring gender reassignment surgery religiously acceptable. This highlights how queerphobia and transmisia often stem from ignorance; perhaps Indonesia could shift its stance with greater public awareness.
Historically, South East Asia’s diverse understanding of queer history was disrupted by colonial religious constraints, showing that instead of being a priori social categories, these identities are intrinsic and arise from social practice. Around the world, transgender communities have endured severe mistreatment, and the lack of solidarity with them is morally reprehensible. Though fluid identity,non-conformity, and non-binary individuals do not fit traditional categories, they are vital to cultural heritage and, fundamentally, the human experience.