Those in India who complain of ‘casteism in politics’ are really looking for a sort of politics which has no basis in the society.
Rajni Kothari, an eminent Indian political scientist
As India is edging towards the state and general elections of 2024, it becomes quite significant to discuss the imminent rhetoric related to the mobilization of voters based on caste. The recently conducted caste-based survey in Bihar and its associated debate requires a state-specific analysis as caste-based politics has sustained legitimacy as an instrument of popular mobilization, âvernacularizing the normsâ (Lucia Michelutti) and âdemocratizing the social baseâ of class politics (Yogendra Yadav) in India. According to Lucia Michelutti, vernacularizing the norms refers to the ways in which values and practices of democracy get embedded in the popular consciousness and the routes through which vernaculars (like caste, religion, kinship, politics) shape the popular perception of the people. On the other hand, Yogendra Yadav’s âdemocratizing the social baseâ of class politics emphasizes that democratization in India is completely different from that of the Western world. He believes that the marginalized sections of society must be mobilized in such a manner that it leads to the building of socially opinionated individuals, aiding the process of democratization in civil society.Â
Several experts have been posing the question if this survey report is a re-enactment of old Mandal politics or a Mandal 2.0. The old Mandal politics included the Mandal Commission Report submissions (1980), its implementation (1990), and the aftermath. I have attempted to explain it later in this article but itâs important to understand that giving reservation to a particular community and emphasizing it raises many questions and demands. There is an emergence of popular consciousness among the community and the influence on others to raise more demands. Sometimes, affirmative action can have huge political implications and thatâs what happened in the 1990s in India. Now, thereâs an assumption that this survey and the debates related to it might give rise to a modified Mandal politics or Mandal 2.0. Earlier, more caste-based patronage could be associated with it, but in todayâs era, it is also the coming of subordinate class-based politics which can be best understood by the fact that certain classes are politically subordinated and the power gets concentrated in the hands of few. Isnât it ironic how broader caste-based notions of politics reinforce the twin fundamental pillars of political mobilization i.e., caste and religion, now inclusive of class? I emphasize class here because we are living in an era of globalization, liberalization, and privatization along with the rise of the new middle class. The caste and class debate has been prominent where the former is portrayed as a backward social institution, and the latter belonging to advanced industrial societies. When a caste behaves as an interest group, as Karl Marx explained in terms of dialectical logic – a âclass in itselfâ becomes a âclass for itselfâ (Marx and Engels, 1958), elements of class consciousness and unity develop into class antagonism. The question arises whether it is going to be a trapping of caste and class politics or whether it has any capacity to shape the perceptions of social reality.Â
The Bihar Caste-based Survey or Bihar Jaati Adharit Ganana has indeed triggered various controversies, debates, and political implications. The survey report revealed that 63 percent of Other Backward Castes (OBCs) constituted the state’s total population of 13 crore. It also revealed the population sizes of other major sub-groups and castes. There has been a lot of speculation as to whether it was genuinely released for the motive of social welfare or political opportunism. The opposition included various critics who argued that this infringed the constitutional jurisdiction of the Union Government to conduct such censuses and that it was merely a political move to divide people into further subgroups. Supporters have raised the slogan âJitni Aabadi Utna Haq!â (the rights of any group are proportionate to its population share!) which reminds me of Kanshi Ram, the founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), who supported a similar idea.
This Bihar survey, which had all the trappings of a census, complete with a two-stage process of collecting data (information related to households and socio-economic details) might augment the political demand for a nationwide caste census and push the judicial discourse toward reconsidering the 50 percent ceiling. The Indira Sawhney Vs. Union of India Case, also known as Mandal Commission Case becomes significant to be highlighted here as in 1992, the Supreme Court passed a judgment which emphasized social backwardness and also marked judicial pragmatism (the belief that judicial institutions would effectively be able to adjudicate on the matters related to the welfare of the society) on giving reservation to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The implementation of the Mandal Commission Reportâs 27 percent quota for the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs) in all the central government jobs and public institutions and various violent anti-reservation protests after its implementation changed the political dynamics of India. But, the Supreme Courtâs judgment in 1990 highlighted the idea of reservation to be only provided to the poorer sections of the Socially Backward Classes. In 1992, it also announced the 50% ceiling which meant that reservations could not go beyond this. But again, in todayâs time, the debate related to caste-based census led to doubt as to whether this 50% ceiling could be breached in exceptional circumstances. The answer is still complicated and difficult to find. Â Â Â
The trajectory of caste-based politics has evolved in recent years in India. The recognition of caste as an important instrument by the Mandal Commission and socio-political movements of the 1980s and 1990s, such as Dalit and Backward Class movements, have not only given way to new debates in India but have also reinforced a caste-centric public-political life. The strategies and policies might have changed but caste remains an integral part of Indian Politics.Â
“The Mandal upsurge represented an epiphanic moment for both the practice and the analysis of Indian politics. It did seem as though national politics was âfullâ of caste in a way it had never been earlier. But Mandal should have taught us that this was as illusory as the castelessness of the earlier era, and that caste (or class or religion) âdoesâ nothing by the sheer fact of its existence. Recruiting caste (or other existents) to âdoâ something is the work of politics, which in turn is no more than the aggregated will of people living in the thick of society, open to persuasion by the facts, feelings, persons â and politicians â in their lives” – Satish Deshpande, an Author and Professor of Sociology at the University of Delhi
The complexities related to caste identity formation and cynical common sense as to whether it is really possible to make practical decisions without distrust and selfishness, related to politics are so immense that it is difficult to distinguish between a political move and a social welfare scheme. Reservations have already been provided to the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), OBCs, and Economically Backward Classes (EBCs), but the ground reality questions as to who are its real beneficiaries. Why are caste inequalities deeply entrenched in society till now? Where are we lacking? The OBCs and EBCs might have become two new groups for major political mobilization but itâs important to note that every social group in India now falls under the ambit of quota policy, considering the fact that Economically Weaker Section (EWS) reservation has also emerged, bringing a major shift in the caste discourse in India.Â
In a democracy, there are bound to be differing perspectives on major transformative changes. Thus, it becomes pertinent to see every move with great caution. Agreeably, we need to know exact caste numbers, but the fact that the larger goal of the constitution is the attainment of a casteless society shouldnât be forgotten. Affirmative Action indeed helps to eradicate the vast inequities in society and our primary focus must be on equality rather than caste identities and division of people on unequal basis. The state must also look for different ways to provide equitable distribution of resources without accentuating caste identity. It all depends upon the mindset of people. If we read any caste-based discrimination news carefully, it might make us question if reservations, legal safeguards, surveys, etc. are enough to build a society based on progressive ideas. In my opinion, the only thing our society needs right now is genuine political commitment to uplift the backward classes and to erase every kind of caste-based discrimination. This issue shouldn’t remain like a malady in which a number of doctors gather around a patient, where they all agree on the diagnosis but not on the prescription.